by Demetrius Minor

The crisis in Darfur has escalated into one of the worst displays of human rights crisis. In one of the most remote places in Africa, an insurgency began unnoticed under the shadow of the war in Iraq in 2003, killing 350,000 to 400,000 people in 29 months by means of violence, malnutrition, and disease in the first genocidal rampage of the 21st century.

The insurgency began unnoticed in February 2003; it has, over the past six years, become one of the most destructive and violent episode of genocide action in the 21st century. The victims are the non-Arab or African tribal groups of Darfur, primarily the Fur, the Massaleit, and the Zaghawa, but also the Tunjur, the Birgid, the Dajo, and others. These people have long been politically and economically disadvantaged, and in recent years the National Islamic Front regime, based in Sudan’s capital of Khartoum, has refused to control increasingly violent Arab militia raids of African villages in Darfur. Competition between Arab and African tribal groups over the scarce primary resources in Darfur-arable land and water-has been totally devastated. Incidents, including major aerial bombings and ground attacks were launched by the government in West Darfur in February 2008. In turn, an assault on Khartoum by Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebels in mid-May 2008 left at least 200 dead and was a climax in the Darfur conflict, as it constitutes the first military strike on the capital since 30 years.

Meanwhile, the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) in Khartoum continues to deny the gravity of the situation and is pursuing destructive policies in Darfur, while at the same time resisting key provisions in the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) that ended the North-South war, thus setting in stone a crisis in that process, with heavy fighting between government and southern troops that is hurting oil-rich Abyei in June 2008.

The NCP wants Darfur in chaos to limit the room for an opposition to emerge, while resettling key allies on cleared land and defying Security Council resolutions by integrating its Janjaweed irregulars into official security structures instead of disarming them. Rebel DPA signatories, particularly the Sudan Liberation Army faction of Minni Minawi (SLA/MM), have been responsible for attacks on civilians, humanitarians, the AU mission (AMIS) and some of the violence in the internally displaced person (IDP) camps. Their leaders have been given government jobs and land and, as loyal supporters of the status quo and without a clearly defined role in the new negotiations, are potential spoilers. Rebel movements that did not sign have further splintered and only just begun small, tentative steps toward reunifying their ranks. Many have boycotted the talks and increased military action. As they divide along tribal lines, their messages become more divisive and less representative of constituencies they claim to speak for.

More than 2.5 million people have been displaced out of their residences since the fighting began. The World Health Organization has warned that a major health disaster could occur if the necessary funds and supplies are not made available to fight disease and malnutrition in the region. The United Nations describes Darfur as the “worst humanitarian crisis” in the world.  International attention to the Darfur conflict largely began with reports by the advocacy organizations Amnesty International in July 2003 and the International Crisis Group in December 2003. However, widespread media coverage did not start until the outgoing United Nations Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Sudan, Mukesh Kapila, called Darfur the “world’s greatest humanitarian crisis” in March 2004. A movement advocating for humanitarian intervention has emerged in several countries since then.

The United States Congress and former President George W. Bush brought international attention to the crisis in Darfur, Sudan, by declaring it genocide in July 2004.To be more specific, it was declared “genocide” by United States Secretary of State Colin Powell on September 9, 2004 in testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In January 2005, an International Commission of Inquiry on Darfur, authorized by UN Security Council Resolution 1564 of 2004, issued a report to the Secretary-General of the United Nations Kofi Annan stating that “the Government of the Sudan has not pursued a policy of genocide.^“ Nevertheless, the Commission cautioned that “The conclusion that no genocidal policy has been pursued and implemented in Darfur by the Government authorities, directly or through the militias under their control, should not be taken in any way as detracting from the gravity of the crimes perpetrated in that region. International offences such as the crimes against humanity and war crimes that have been committed in Darfur may be no less serious and heinous than genocide.”

      In August of 2007, The U.N. Security Council voted unanimously to authorize a force of about 26,000 peacekeepers from the UN to help end the violence and the bloodshed in Darfur. The Security Council resolution grants the peacekeeping mission authority to use military force to protect its personnel, guarantee the safe travel of aid workers and provide protection for civilians. Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir accepted a package of U.N. support for peacekeeping in Darfur. Originally agreed upon at a meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia in November 2006, the package includes a three phase process to strengthen the current African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) and the eventual deployment of a hybrid AU-U.N. force. In an exchange of letters between U.N. Secretary Kofi Annan and Bashir in December 2006, Bashir expressed his government’s commitment to securing peace and security in Darfur by accepting the package, as well as mentioning the need to begin re-activated peace talks. Soon after the U.N. announced Bashir’s acceptance, the Sudanese ambassador to the U.N. rejected the U.N.’s claim that Sudan agreed to a hybrid peacekeeping force for Darfur. This was not the first time the Sudanese government had sent mixed messages to the international community about the situation in Darfur. The corrupt and perilous government of Sudan is known for promising action towards peace in Darfur and later failing to act on its commitments. The United Nations stood by its belief that Sudan would allow all 3 phases of the peacekeeping package to deploy as U.N. personnel continued to deploy as part of the light package.

      After the Sudanese government continued to abuse and target the peacekeeping troops, the Bush administration offered sanctions. As part of the sanctions, the Treasury Department added 30 companies owned or controlled by the government of Sudan to its list of Specially Designated Nationals. All these companies were now barred from the U.S. financial system. It is a crime for American companies and individuals to knowingly do business with them. The second sanctions were against individuals responsible for violence. These sanctions will isolate those people by cutting them off from the U.S. financial system, barring them from doing business with any American citizen or company, and calling the world’s attention to their crimes. Thirdly, President Bush directed Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to consult with the United Kingdom and other allies on a new United Nations Security Council resolution. This resolution would apply new sanctions against the government of Sudan, against individuals found to be violating human rights or obstructing the peace process. It would impose an expanded embargo on arms sales to the government of Sudan. It would prohibit the Sudanese government from conducting any offensive military flights over Darfur. It would also strengthen the United States ability to monitor and report any violations that took place in the region.

The United States also vowed to continue to push for U.N. support, including funding for the African Union peacekeepers that remain the only force in Darfur that is protecting the people. The US promised to continue to work for the deployment of a larger hybrid force of AU and U.N. peacekeeping troops, as well as supporting the diplomacy of U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon. I call on President Obama to not neglect the crisis in Darfur and to implement whatever resources and support available to bring an end to this atrocity.

      The conclusion of the matter is that if enough international attention and pressure is given, the genocide will be stopped. While democracy, freedom, and stability cannot be achieved overnight, if we let our voices be heard, the violence will slowly but surely begin to leave. I’ve said this before and I will continue to say this until it is embedded into everyone: No one deserves to live in tyranny and oppression, and to whom much is given, much is required. If we have the resources and the ability to fight genocide, we should act accordingly—-for the sake of the innocent. 

Demetrius Minor is a new contributor HHR blog he is a senior at Augusta State University and a former White House intern